Deaton’s economics: fair criticism?

It is remarkable that the International Monetary Fund, one of the bastions of our modern economic construct, should be so willing to test and challenge current economic thinking. But that is what it does in publishing a striking short blog by respected economist Angus Deaton. Deaton is best known for his remarkable work on the US epidemic of what he has dubbed deaths of despair and he also led a recently-completed eponymous review of inequality for the Institute of Fiscal Studies. Deaton offers what amounts to an apologia for modern economics, and suggests some routes that may be more productive for the future. Not only might they be more productive, I would suggest that they are also likely to be fairer.

In the blog, Deaton questions mainstream economics. He does so from a remarkably mainstream position. He won the Nobel Prize in 2015, and is a professor at Princeton. His criticism of the failings of current economics, and not least of current economic education, should therefore hit home.

The core of Deaton’s points are made in crisp discussions under a handful of bullet-point headings. These are: power, philosophy and ethics, efficiency, empirical methods and humility (doesn’t our entire world need a whole lot more of that last?). He comes most crisply to his point in the first of these: “Without an analysis of power, it is hard to understand inequality or much else in modern capitalism.” But the bullet points reflect a continuity of thought, not separate ideas. He complains at the loss of ethical thought from economics and its replacement by an emphasis on efficiency and a simplifying focus on the financial: “We often equate well-being with money or consumption, missing much of what matters to people.”

Under efficiency, he states:

“Many subscribe to Lionel Robbins’ definition of economics as the allocation of scarce resources among competing ends or to the stronger version that says that economists should focus on efficiency and leave equity to others, to politicians or administrators. But the others regularly fail to materialize, so that when efficiency comes with upward redistribution—frequently though not inevitably—our recommendations become little more than a license for plunder.”

I think that quote bears rereading.

Applying these five approaches as a new lens for approaching questions, Deaton reaches a range of fresh conclusions – or rather a reduced level of certainty – about a number of different issues. These include: unions, free trade, global poverty and immigration.

But though it is not among these bullet-points, or the issues about which Deaton now has less certainty, to my mind one of the most notable single words in the piece is ‘efficacy’. Deaton says: “today we [economists] are in some disarray. We did not collectively predict the financial crisis and, worse still, we may have contributed to it through an overenthusiastic belief in the efficacy of markets, especially financial markets whose structure and implications we understood less well than we thought.” Normally economists and investors talk about market efficiency, and certainly the financial crisis was in part due to overconfidence that markets are efficient, that they will find the right prices for things. The efficient market hypothesis – which many investors take as a certainty, even though it is merely an hypothesis, and even though there would be no ability of active investors to outperform if it were true (admittedly many are more lucky than genuinely generate outperformance, but nonetheless it is still possible to outperform a market). The crisis showed that market pricing can often be very wrong and the use of market prices as a foundation for valuations can be risky.

Deaton is clearly referencing the Efficient Market Hypothesis (and the use of ‘efficiency’ as one of his bullet-point headings makes more notable his decision not to use the term in his comment about the disarray of modern economics), but he is actually making a very different point. He is asking whether markets are always efficacious, whether they work and always add value to human society. And his clear view is that they are not always, and do not always. We should listen, particularly those of us who work in financial markets.

Deaton has never minced his words, but here he is remarkably cruel about his profession. He says he does not want to get into the question of corruption among his peers, though he notes that allegations “have become common in some debates”. But he does state, bluntly: “economists, who have prospered mightily over the past half century, might fairly be accused of having a vested interest in capitalism as it currently operates”. In a blog that clearly has real concerns about the operation of modern capitalism, that fair comment is one that should hang over the profession, challenging all to rethink with the confidence and honesty that Deaton has.

See also: Meritocracy’s unfair

I’m happy to continue to confirm that the Sense of Fairness blog is a purely personal endeavour.

Rethinking my economics, Angus Deaton, International Monetary Fund blog, March 2024

Rising morbidity and mortality in midlife among white non-Hispanic Americans in the 21st century, Anne Case, Angus Deaton, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol 112 No 49, December 2015

Deaths of Despair and the Future of Capitalism, Anne Case, Angus Deaton, Princeton University Press, 2020

Deaton Review of Inequality, Institute of Fiscal Studies

Is enough enough? Addressing the problem of the super-rich

“To make the poor richer, you have to make the rich poorer.”

It’s one of the bolder early assertions made in a new book, Enough: Why it’s time to Abolish the Super-Rich, from my friend Luke Hildyard, who leads the High Pay Centre, the think tank dedicated to considerations of pay and employment rights. Given the hours he put into it, he’ll hate that I note it’s a short book, but that means it is a quick read – which its brisk and energetic style greatly assists. It includes extensive references to the evidence of academic and other studies, but Hildyard doesn’t let them weigh down his central messages and arguments.

Much of the book is dedicated to demonstrating the truth of this early assertion. Beyond that, Enough also aims to show that there would be benefits from a more equal income and wealth distribution and that much current income and wealth is unearned and undeserved. It argues that it is possible to address the issue of the super-rich, both politically and practically – but that at present the political will isn’t there and the social pressure for change isn’t yet great enough. “The super-rich are tragically unloathed,” says Hildyard in one of his typically crisp and blunt phrases.

As is perhaps obvious, this is a polemic, using vigorous and direct language to make its points – and it is none the worse for it. It’s also funny. I didn’t expect to laugh out loud at the book, but its dogged pursuit of a thought experiment of carpeting the nation in £5 notes is only one among its amusing moments.

Hildyard also charts a path for addressing the issue of the super-rich, one part of which would be wealth taxes. That particular path became potentially much easier just yesterday when a UN committee of tax experts agreed to develop a clear map for it: the Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters approved guidance for the creation of wealth taxes. This will not be called a ‘model law’ but rather an ‘example law’, but the intent is clear, and the idea of international cooperation in this area is aimed to reduce incentives for individuals to move to avoid such tax burdens. We’ll see how far these proposals progress in practice.

There is clearly some political will, and indeed some general willingness to engage in these issues. If the interest shown by those seeing me reading Enough on public transport are anything to go by, this is a book whose time has come. I would certainly heartily commend it. It was formally published this last week.

In many ways, vigorous and blunt as it is, Hildyard’s language is less hardline than others’. For example, the authors of the wonderful Spirit Level, Kate Pickett and Richard Wilkinson, both professors of epidemiology at York University, recently wrote a comment piece published in venerable journal Nature entitled Why the world cannot afford the rich.

As well as noting the disproportionate greenhouse gas emission impacts of the lifestyles of the wealthy (as previously noted in this blog), Wilkinson and Pickett state: “large differences in income are a powerful social stressor that is increasingly rendering societies dysfunctional”.

They continue:

“bigger gaps between rich and poor are accompanied by higher rates of homicide and imprisonment. They also correspond to more infant mortality, obesity, drug abuse and COVID-19 deaths, as well as higher rates of teenage pregnancy and lower levels of child well-being, social mobility and public trust.”

Most strikingly, the epidemiologists argue that “Even affluent people would enjoy a better quality of life if they lived in a country with a more equal distribution of wealth”. They complain about the wastefulness of unfair distributions: “Inequality also increases consumerism…Studies show that people who live in more-unequal societies spend more on status goods.” It’s certainly clear that this is happening. For example, ultra-luxury carmaker Bentley recently revealed its financial results, making revenues of €2.9 billion on sales of just 13,560 cars (or over €200,000 per vehicle), with margins improved by a record of nearly 10,000 of those vehicles including personalised features costing upwards of €40,000. For these buyers, it appears, it’s not enough to be able to buy a car that costs more than many houses. They also want the additional status of a still more expensive and truly unique vehicle.

The wealthy also buy other trappings of status – like the arts building branding that was part of the focus of the Sackler family in deploying their immoral earnings from Purdue Pharma’s role in the opioid crisis, or political donations. Evidence shows that rarely are such gifts really generosity – something is expected in return (as the reliably brilliant Tom Burgis amply shows in his excoriating new book Cuckooland). Sadly, rarely do the super-rich now feel the need to be genuinely generous in sharing their wealth in the ways their predecessors in earlier generations did. Alms houses are among our most beautiful old buildings, mostly built by our wealthy Tudor or Victorian forbears, but there seems to be no modern equivalent being created now.

This urge towards status skews our whole business sector. When you now look at the market capitalisations of major businesses, it is notable how much more valuable are the luxury goods companies that cater to the demands of a tiny minority than those that provide much larger markets with less luxurious versions of the same products. Germany’s Porsche is valued at more than $90 billion and Italy’s Ferrari (actually listed in the Netherlands to benefit from rules allowing unequal voting rights) is touching a valuation of nearly $80 billion; Ford and General Motors hover around the $50 billion mark, while producing orders of magnitude more vehicles. In a similar way, the valuation of Hermes (around $270 billion) is nearly double that of Inditex, whose major brand is Zara (valued at some $150 billion). The mass market isn’t where the money is made any more: even collectively, the centre doesn’t hold as much spending power.

Pickett and Wilkinson capture their findings in a striking chart that sets the Gini coefficient measure of inequality against an index the authors created of environmental, health and social issues (including measures such as air pollution and recycling; infant mortality, life expectancy, and obesity; and educational attainment, teenage births, social mobility and trust). As they say, “There’s a clear trend, with more-unequal societies having worse scores”:

As an earlier editorial in Nature raged, Reducing inequality benefits everyone — so why isn’t it happening? Essentially, that’s the challenge that Hildyard is attempting to rise to, and he provides some useful answers, and relevant solutions, as well as amusing challenge to the status quo. Do we need to make the rich poorer in order to make the poor richer? Probably, yes. The greatest political challenge on this issue though is likely to be defining what amounts to ‘rich’ or ‘super-rich’ for these purposes. One hindrance to action may be that definitions of what is too much are hard to draw. It’s hard to build a coalition of the willing among those who fear they may be next to face reductions (even if intellectually they might accept the idea that they would benefit from less inequality), and that – for the present at least – seems to limit the political pressure for change.

Hildyard himself blurs these lines, at times railing only and specifically at the truly (absurdly) super-rich, the billionaires, and at other times focusing on broader wealthy groups, including all public company bosses, top lawyers and bankers, and anyone earning in the top 1%, or having wealth among the top 1%. He quotes income of £183,000 and wealth of £3.7 million for the UK, and $400,000 and $11 million respectively for the US, as placing people into the respective 1% groups. These are huge numbers, clearly, but not close to being in the same league as the billionaires. A focus on a loosely defined super-rich elides this challenge – and while Hildyard demonstrates just how much might be available from the individuals at the very top of the income and wealth distributions, were they taxed more effectively (a simple function of their extreme wealth), he leaves open the question of seeing changes lower down the income levels too. This doesn’t undermine his arguments, but clarity is likely to be helpful in garnering political support and leveraging real change.

Hildyard ends the book saying:

“Indeed, it will be impossible to achieve our full potential to build a fairer, happier, more prosperous society without a major rebalancing of incomes and wealth. This ought not to be a question of partisan ideology – the logic, feasibility and urgent importance of the issue are clear. It is time to abolish the super-rich.”

I’d argue that all of this but the final sentence is unarguably true – that last sentence probably remains open to some debate, not least as to where the threshold for super-richness lies.

As the phrase goes, the poor are always with us. It is less clear that the super-rich need to be.

See also: Unfairness in carbon emissions

The centre cannot hold

As ever, I am pleased to confirm that the Sense of Fairness blog is a purely personal endeavour.

Enough: Why it’s time to Abolish the Super-Rich, Luke Hildyard, Pluto Press, 2024

Subcommittee on Wealth and Solidarity Taxes Guidance as of 1 March 2024, UN Committee of Experts on International Cooperation in Tax Matters

Why the world cannot afford the rich, Richard Wilkinson, Kate Pickett, Nature 627, 268-270, 12 March 2024

The Spirit Level: Why Equality is Better for Everyone, Kate Pickett, Richard Wilkinson, Penguin, 2010

Highest Levels of Personalisation Drive Second Best Financial Performance on Record for Bentley Motors, Bentley, 19 March 2024

Cuckooland: Where the Rich own the Truth, Tom Burgis, HarperCollins, 2024

Reducing inequality benefits everyone — so why isn’t it happening?, Nature 620, 468, 16 August 2023